Showing posts with label Psychiatric All Stars. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Psychiatric All Stars. Show all posts

Friday, August 26, 2011

Erich Fromm: Marxist

WHY, do we keep finding Marxists & Socialists in Psych/Academia?
It's because if they came out in the open, as who they are, and ran for Political Office in America they'd stand absolutely NO chance of winning election. And as Professor Frederick Crews has so deftly laid out for us, .....
..... in Academia we've a Top Heavy surfeit of Graduate Students seeking Tenure, ...... and everything Worth researching/saying about the Humanities has already Been said.
Freedom works. Collectivism does not.
So the Lot of these Academic Tenure Hunters have jumped the Empirical/Scientific reservation to blather on about/reconstruct, make esoteric apologies for, socio-economic systems which have FAILED, WHOLESALE, in every corner of the globe they've been instituted in, ...... and they Have been instituted already, in Every corner of the globe.
If Marxism worked, (and it's had Plenty of trials) the planet would already be a Worker's Paradise, ...... instead of the Documented Record we have of endless poverty, tyranny, mass murder, & wars that even the most casual student of history can recite virtually in their sleep.
And so, we bring you one more, Utopian, Psychological Deep Thinker.
Here's from Fromm's Wiki entry

Political ideas and activities

Fromm's best known work, Escape from Freedom, .....
[Ed; It just Never Stops with these people]
...... focuses on the human urge to seek a source of authority and control upon reaching a freedom that was thought to be an individual’s true desire. Fromm’s critique of the modern political order and capitalist system led him to seek insights from medieval feudalism. InEscape from Freedom, he found favor with the lack of individual freedom, rigid structure, and obligations required on the members of medieval society:
What characterizes medieval in contrast to modern society is its lack of individual freedom…But altogether a person was not free in the modern sense, neither was he alone and isolated. In having a distinct, unchangeable, and unquestionable place in the social world from the moment of birth, man was rooted in a structuralized whole, and thus life had a meaning which left no place, and no need for doubt…There was comparatively little competition. One was born into a certain economic position which guaranteed a livelihood determined by tradition, just as it carried economic obligations to those higher in the social hierarchy.[8]
The culmination of Fromm's social and political philosophy was his book The Sane Society, published in 1955, which argued in favor of a humanistic anddemocratic socialism. Building primarily upon the early works of Karl Marx, Fromm sought to re-emphasise the ideal of freedom, missing from most Soviet Marxism, and more frequently found in the writings of libertarian socialists and liberal theoreticians. Fromm's brand of socialism rejected both Western capitalismand Soviet communism, which he saw as dehumanizing and that resulted in a virtually universal modern phenomenon of alienation. He became one of the founders of socialist humanism, promoting the early writings of Marx and his humanist messages to the US and Western European public.
In the early 1960s, Fromm published two books dealing with Marxist thoughts (Marx's Concept of Man and Beyond the Chains of Illusion: my Encounter with Marx and Freud). In 1965, working to stimulate the Western and Eastern cooperation between Marxist humanists, Fromm published a series of articles entitledSocialist Humanism: An International Symposium. In 1966, the American Humanist Association named him Humanist of the Year.
For a period, Fromm was also active in US politics. He joined the Socialist Party of America in the mid-1950s, and did his best to help them provide an alternative viewpoint to the prevailing McCarthyism of the time. This alternative viewpoint was best expressed in his 1961 paper May Man Prevail? An Inquiry into the Facts and Fictions of Foreign Policy. However, as a co-founder of SANE, Fromm's strongest political activism was in the international peace movement, fighting against the nuclear arms race and US involvement in the Vietnam War. After supporting Senator Eugene McCarthy's losing bid for the Democratic presidential nomination, Fromm more or less retreated from the American political scene, although he did write a paper in 1974 entitled Remarks on the Policy of Détente for a hearing held by the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
And Here's from his Marxists.org listings
Eric Fromm
Marxists.org has quite a bit more on Mr Fromm. A word of caution however.
If you're going to chew your way through this stuff, make sure you've plenty of hot water handy, because you're going to want to take plenty of breaks, ...... and showers to wash this guy Off of you.

Friday, August 19, 2011

Alfred Adler: Marxist Crackpot, At a Glance

Since 'Depth Psychology' is considered to be founded upon the theories of Freud, Jung, & Alfred Adler, it's time to look at the 3rd of these Crackpots: Adler, who began as a Socialist, and like Wilhelm Reich tried to Distance himself from it.

Wiki has; (& remember that Wiki contributors are usually Fans of their subject material, ..... unlike us, ...... so Marxist Quacks will tend to get handled with kid gloves)

Alfred Adler (February 7, 1870 – May 28, 1937) was an Austrian medical doctor, psychotherapist, and founder of the school of individual psychology.[1] In collaboration with Sigmund Freud and a small group of Freud's colleagues, Adler was among the co-founders of the psychoanalytic movement as a core member of the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society. He was the first major figure to break away from psychoanalysis to form an independent school of psychotherapy and personality theory.[2] This was after Freud declared Adler's ideas as too contrary, leading to an ultimatum to all members of the Society (which Freud had shepherded) to drop Adler or be expelled, disavowing the right to dissent (Makari, 2008). Following this split, Adler would come to have an enormous, independent effect on the disciplines of counseling and psychotherapy as they developed over the course of the 20th century (Ellenberger, 1970). He influenced notable figures in subsequent schools of psychotherapy such as Rollo May, Viktor Frankl, Abraham Maslow and Albert Ellis.[3] His writings preceded, and were at times surprisingly consistent with, later neo-Freudian insights such as those evidenced in the works of Karen Horney, Harry Stack Sullivan and Erich Fromm.

Adler emphasized the importance of equality in preventing various forms of psychopathology, and espoused the development of social interest and democratic family structures for raising children.[4] His most famous concept is the inferiority complex which speaks to the problem of self-esteem and its negative effects on human health (e.g. sometimes producing a paradoxical superiority striving). His emphasis on power dynamics is rooted in the philosophy of Nietzsche, whose works were published a few decades before Adler's. However, Adler's conceptualization of the "Will to Power" focuses on the individual's creative power to change for the better.[5] Adler argued for holism, viewing the individual holistically rather than reductively, the latter being the dominant lens for viewing human psychology. Adler was also among the first in psychology to argue in favor of feminism making the case that power dynamics between men and women (and associations with masculinity and femininity) are crucial to understanding human psychology (Connell, 1995). Adler is considered, along with Freud and Jung, to be one of the three founding figures of depth psychology, which emphasizes the unconscious and psychodynamics (Ellenberger, 1970; Ehrenwald, 1991).

He was a social idealist, and was known as a socialist in his early years of association with psychoanalysis (1902–1911). His allegiance to Marxism dissipated over time (he retained Marx's social idealism yet distanced himself from Marx's economic theories).

[Ed: What? How does one retain Marx's 'Social Idealism' IE: Utopian Equality of Outcome, while Distancing oneself from the Means Needed To Produce it?]

Teleology serves another vital function for Adlerians. Chilon's "hora telos" ("see the end, consider the consequences") provides for both healthy and maladaptive psychodynamics. Here we also find Adler's emphasis on personal responsibility in mentally healthy subjects who seek their own and the social good (Slavik & King, 2007).

[Ed: Uh Huh. What's Your's is mine, and if you Don't agree, you have an Unhealthy mind.]

http://www.marxists.org/glossary/people/a/d.htm

Adler, Alfred (1870-1937)

Austrian Psychiatrist, creator of the system of Individual Psychology; first to describe the “inferiority complex”. He developed a flexible method of psychotherapy to assist people to overcome feelings of inferiority, focusing on the relation of an individual to the goals and values determined by their social environment.

Adler was born into a middle-class Jewish family, attending the same school as Sigmund Freud. He qualified as an eye doctor, but in 1902, joined Freud’s Wednesday Psychological Society and brought the idea of “organ inferiority” from opthamology to psychology. Adler argued that a person’s sensitivity to the weakness of an organ led a person to dwell on it and generate excessive cerebral activity.

Adler was married to Raissa Epstein, a Russian-born socialist; he was acquainted with Leon Trotsky when he was in exile in Vienna, was therapist to the Bolshevik Adolf Joffe and was a regular contributor to Arbeiter-Zeitung, the Vienna daily socialist newspaper. His first book dealt with the social causes of physical illnesses.

After his Study of Organ Inferiority and Its Psychical Compensation was published in 1907, his own views began to take shape independently, down-playing Freud’s insistence on the centrality of sexual conflicts in early childhood as the cause mental illness. For Adler it was a person’s striving for self-esteem and recognition that is central, and sexual problems were seen as expressing difficulties arising in this area.

In 1909, Adler was the first to argue that psychoanalysis supplied a complement to Marxism, and that sensitivity to slights provided a psychological basis for the development of class consciousness. Adler also tied the psychology of inferiority to the struggle for women’s rights. Influenced by his wife, the women’s movement and Social-Democracy, he reformulated his idea of organ-inferiority in terms of bisexuality. By “femininity,” he wrote, the neurotic “understands almost everything that is bad, certainly anything inferior.” Attempting to avoid what is pathological, that is, passive or “feminine,” the neurotic engaged in compensatory forms of self-assertion that Adler called “the masculine protest.” All neuroses “are derived and obtain their power from the battle between the feminine foundation and the masculine protest. ... one must assume the presence of the masculine protest in all women without exception ... since the devaluation of woman is the driving force in our civilization. ... There is no principle more generally valid for all human relationships than ‘on top of’ and ‘underneath’.”

From 1911, Adler broke from Freud and became publicly critical of him and in 1912, coined the term individual psychology to characterize his own views, as set out in The Neurotic Constitution.

Adler held that difficulties people encounter in gaining self-esteem and recognition, if not overcome by the normal means lead to compensatory behavior and resultant personality disorders which are now widely referred to as an inferiority complex.

The other important elements of Adler’s psychology are lifestyle – the particular system of values and activities which a person acquires in their upbringing, and the social interest drive – an urge to cooperate with other people for the common good, which Adler took to be inherent in human beings. The method of therapy he used is simply to direct the patient’s attention to the unsuccessful, neurotic character of the way the patient is dealing with their feeling of inferiority, and assist the patient in restoring a feeling of self-esteem and in working out a realistic set of goals.

In 1934 the fascist government in Austria closed his 30 child guidance clinics. Many of his later writings, such as What Life Should Mean to You (1931), were directed to the general reader.


Here's an excerpt from a Christian perspective. And we Care about the Christian perspective WHY? Because American LAW is Based on, and Comprised of it, That's Why. American Law is Not based on the writings of Karl Marx. (although These days it's becoming decidedly more difficult to Tell)

http://www.christiehunter.com/personality/alderian-therapy.htm

Adlerian Therapy

Named after Alfred Adler, Adlerian theory primarily emphasizes birth order, individual life styles, social interests, and concepts pertaining to inferiority and superiority as principle components of personality. For Adler, psychological health is determined by the level of social contribution beneficial to the greater community. To the degree, that one integrates and furthers the social context, thus the measurement of his or her mental health. Social contribution is increased through the reduction of mistaken beliefs, which frequently lead to maladaptive feelings of inferiority or superiority. This goal of combating false beliefs is attained through an understanding of family constellations, early memories, and dreams.

For psychologists, translating the goals of Adlerian theory into a therapeutic process has resulted in an approach to counseling that varies widely among practitioners. These goals are to bring about an increased social interest, modify self-destructive behavior, and solve problems more efficiently. To reach these aspirations in a clinical setting, psychotherapy provides a choice to counselors as a base for identifying and addressing incorrect thoughts and belief patterns. This influence of psychotherapy owes its’ origin to Sigmund Freud, an indirect contributor to Adlerian therapy.

Initial sessions provide Adlerian therapists with an opportunity to observe and assess clients in order to gauge their family dynamics, present lifestyle, and early childhood experiences. These assessments may be formal or informal using questionnaires or direct inquiry. Further to this, therapists also rely on dreams and the interpretive meaning for the client’s current situation and struggles.

Several practical techniques are used in Adlerian therapy. Immediacy asks the client to communicate events at the present moment. By focusing on the immediate here and now, clients are reoriented into a position conducive to a greater understanding of their situation. The technique of encouragement helps to build rapport between therapist and client. Counselors also use encouragement to assess client lifestyle to provide tools for overcoming inferiority and low self-concept. Acting as if requests the client to presume the successful result of a not yet attempted action.

Another technique, spitting in the client’s soup, requires the counselor to make certain behaviors less attractive to the client. Once a particular behavior is seen as repulsive, it is less likely to recur. The question tests the client in order to identify the existence of a psychological problem through the use of deliberately constructed questions by the counselor. If the client makes a connection between the answer to the question and another problem altogether, the therapist then presumes the root of the illness is to avoid the problem connected by the client. Finally, Adlerian therapists often assign homework as a means to assist clients in solving problems outside the counseling session.

In Adlerian therapy, the relationship between the client and counselor requires mutual trust and respect in order to maximize clinical success. Client and therapist should have similar goals to reach this end. When client goals do not match therapist goals, the Adlerian counselor will work to educate as to the more appropriate goals. To accomplish this, some Adlerian therapists have their clients sign a contract detailing the goals of their counseling process. The clear synchronization of goals in early treatment provides the framework for a healthy relationship between client and counselor, upon which the remainder of counseling objectives are built.

Adlerian therapy is diverse, both in practice and in theory. This flexibility is seen by many as one of its greatest strengths. Because of its emphasis on goals, the social leanings of Adlerian therapy are greatly beneficial to couples, families, and groups. Finally, the incorporation of psychoanalysis provides additional options to the counselor, bringing to the session room a wide range of techniques to cover numerous client issues.

Adlerian therapy is frequently criticized for its lack of depth. Seen by many as somewhat superficial, it lacks the constitution necessary to fully deal with the vast array of psychological issues clients bring to the counseling room. While its flexibility is wide in scope, its fortitude is frail, and many see it as a therapy that is akin to one who dabbles in everything but masters in nothing. Through its emphasis on birth orders and early recollection, untestable assumptions are made that many psychologists see as placing undue weight on concepts not critical to human growth.

Overall, Adlerian therapy focuses on applications in individual psychology with intent to provide prevention services designed to assist during growth. This educational focus is utilized with teachers and parent to identify the importance of social interaction and the development of social interests. Further, parents are taught the importance of family relationships and the legacy that is passed between generations through birth order and individual personality.

In the use of group work, Adlerian therapy works to develop group cohesion, which mirrors healthy functioning in social settings. Members of the group are able to develop a sense of belonging and community that may be unavailable in their present situation. Due to the flexibility and integrative nature of this theory, individuals, families, and groups are helped with the tools of this approach. Contrasting this however, Adlerian therapy has its limitations, as it does not provide immediate solutions to client problems with more of a long-term focus. With less of a simplistic approach, this therapy is suited more for individuals who are prepared to take the time to understand family of origin issues.

Personal Evaluation

Adlerian thought has at its base, a socialistic ideology. The pervasiveness of socialism in Adlerian theory owes itself to the inspirations of Karl Marx; one of Alfred Adler’s professed influences. A presupposition against capitalism, private property, and acquired wealth was, I believe, a driving force behind his theory. Because no part of his theory (that I could determine) conflicted with socialist philosophy, I believe that Adler used this ideology as a basis when forming his theory, forcing his theory of personality to conform to his communist philosophy. Because of this, I do not acknowledge Adler’s theory as scientific in an empirical sense, but rather a reflection of his personal views. While his views on the importance of birth order are interesting and certainly original, I do not see them as having a great deal of merit. If there is any effect that birth order has on an individual, I believe it is due to localized parenting factors at the microenvironment rather than some kind of objective truth about birth order at a macro level. Because I am a true capitalist, I hold little value for communistic thought and see it as a threat to my way of life.

Christianity is not compatible with socialism. Jesus discarded the abundant tithes of the pharisees and treasured the widows mites because she sacrificed, and gave from her heart. True Christian giving must always come from the individual. Socialism institutes a secular government that takes by force, and redistributes. When a government takes money by force and gives it to the poor, an individual should not assume he has "fed the poor" by proxy. God would rather an individual man give of his own free will to feed the poor, then a secular government taking money by force from the man to feed the poor. Every act of service in Christianity requires the individual heart. Socialism, by definition, purges the individual and replaces it with Big Government, and is therefore an antithesis to Christianity. When the church of Acts gave up all of its possessions, this was not socialism, because each individual chose freely to give. Jesus Himself said that even sinners take care of sinners, but that doesn't make a society Godly. A perfectly humanistic society where all the poor are fed and no one goes hungry is still in utter depravity and an enemy to God (note that plenty of people in this world who commit evil and despise God are well fed). God is about individual souls, not about making sure no one is poor. Remember it was "Big Government" that was brought down by God Himself at the tower of Babel. Because of this fundamental philosophy in my world view that utterly rejects secular socialism, I therefore reject the foundations of Adler's theories.

In a more positive light, I value his emphasis on family unity and group cohesion. Adler understood the difference between developing individual self esteem and fostering it within a group. I am a strong believer in the strength that teamwork can impart on an individual’s self worth. To belong to a group and functioning purposefully in that group is a strong motivator towards positive change. Of course, this requires that the agenda and mission of the group is conducive to growth and not void of moral recognition. As beneficial and powerful as group dynamics can have on an individual, equally dangerous is the possibility for mechanistic depravity as can be seen in the “mob mentality” that forms when the morality of a group erodes while its cohesion remains.


Thursday, August 18, 2011

Why Academia & Psych Keep Producing Incomprehensible Crap

Since Psychiatry/Psychology amounts to nothing more than deliberately, intentionally, bastardizing and torturing the English and every Other language it wrecks its havoc in to arrive at its preconceived "Diagnostic" conclusions, (IE: the patient is Incurably Broken, because We can't get Paid if they're Not) Professor Emeritus of English from UC Berkeley, Frederick Crews, is here again to explain for us the Why and How of it.

Globetrotter.berkeley.edu has;





Now, let's talk a little about the academy during your career and whether the principles that you just enunciated retain their vitality in the humanities. I guess you would conclude that they didn't. What are the strengths and the weaknesses of the university insofar as it tolerates dissent and creates a discourse which is rational?

Well of course, the university exists to court differences of opinion, but principled differences of opinion. What's happened in the humanities is a general assault on the idea of the empirical, the very idea of the rational, which is now associated with such social evils as racism, patriarchy, and so forth. And in the vacuum that is created by this denigration of the empirical, nothing is left but cliquishness, nothing is left but power. And this can all be put very concretely in terms of tenure decisions. A person submits a body of work for evaluation so that he or she can be retained for the rest of the career or fired. On what basis is this work to be evaluated? Well, if there isn't a critical mass of tenured people who believe in the empirical attitude, then the work can only be evaluated according to whom it pleases, whose interests it pleases. And then it's a question of what clique you belong to and what kinds of fashionable references you're willing to make. And I must say that in my thirty-six years of teaching at Berkeley, I saw a changing of the guard in this direction that was very disturbing to me.

So the university then creates systems that don't handle dissent very well, you seem to be saying.

I think the prevalence of originality and individuality in the university has always been somewhat exaggerated -- in any era. There's always a lot more conformism among these people who regard themselves as unique than they're willing to admit. But I think there's been a qualitative leap in the wrong direction in the last twenty years.

Now how do we account for that? In Skeptical Engagements you suggest that in addition to the exercise of power and the gratification that comes with choices associated with power, what was also at work was a surfeit of graduate students and a concern about what is there to study. Hasn't it all been studied ?

Precisely.

This sounds very cynical, but I sincerely believe that the economic crisis of the academic profession, especially in the humanities, has had a powerful methodological effect. If there are fewer and fewer places for graduate students to occupy in the profession, if there are more and more graduate students pursuing fewer and fewer places, a premium has to be placed on the sheer production of discourse. A general, unspoken fear comes over everyone that discourse is being used up, that the things that are worth saying have been said. And what this does is to place a premium on methodology that will loosen the constraints upon discourse. And certainly this is what psychoanalysis is largely about in the university. Psychoanalysis is a beautiful system of seeming "rules" which are actually licenses to arrive at prearranged conclusions in multiple ways. There are multiple paths to a conclusion one has already reached, but at no point are there constraints which threaten to decertify one's a priori belief. So the methodology acquires a value in and of itself as a free-for-all, as a hermeneutic free-for-all. And that's why empirically based objections to such a system of thought fall on deaf ears in the humanities.

And you suggest, in looking at Freudianism, and I think you're also suggesting at some point in your comments about graduate programs in English, that this fits very nicely with the need to perpetuate the movement or the subfield within the discipline.

I'm not quite sure I know what you mean by "the movement."

Well, in other words, in the case of Freud, the self-validation, the closed system, contributes to what the movement achieves which is its own perpetuation, not as a scientific study but rather as a validation of Freudian psychoanalysis.

I do agree with that. And I would generalize it to characterize psychoanalysis itself. That is to say, psychoanalysis, under the guise of curing people of mental ailments, has been essentially a movement that replicates itself and whose central purpose is to replicate itself. Or as I once put it, it produces more converts than cures.

Let's talk a little about Freud, we keep coming back to that. Help us understand better how and why your thinking about him changed. At one point you say in one of your books, "I know for myself, however, that my disillusionment with psychoanalysis occurred in minute stages over many years." You've given us a sense of that, but is there anything that you would like to add?

Well, sure.

In the academic year 1965-66, I had a handsome fellowship. I had an ACLS (American Council of Learned Societies) grant and I also had a residency at the Social Sciences think tank in Palo Alto. And allegedly I was broadening and deepening my acquaintance with psychoanalysis. But what actually happened is that I came up against a lot of very sharp people, most of whom were not believers in psychoanalysis, and some of whom very helpfully sent me out to read dissenting opinions about it. And I did that reading, and I would like to be able to say that a light bulb went on and I said, "Oh God, this has been a terrible mistake." Instead I went back and started teaching my graduate seminar. That's what I did, as soon as I returned from Stanford. But in the back of my mind these doubts nagged at me and they continued to grow for about four or five years. After 1970, I couldn't offer that seminar any more. I had too many reservations. But even so, if you read the things that I wrote in the early seventies, you'll see that I was still struggling to hang onto something, something in the psychoanalytic vision. And it wasn't until 1980 that I completely washed my hands of the last hope of that kind. I think for me personally this is an important fact, that it took me so long. Because what's said about me in psychoanalytic circles is that I had the kind of sudden conversion that characterized Stalinists who then became Cold Warriors. No, it wasn't like that at all.

A lot of your reading [at Stanford] dealt with the philosophy of science? Or had you done that in an earlier period?

No, I had not done nearly enough of it in an earlier period. People like Karl Popper, who was extremely important to me, Ernest Nagel, Sidney Hook, a few others -- I remember in particular an article by Nagel in a book that Hook had edited, I think, 1957 or 1959, I don't remember the date. It was just a methodological critique, no more than ten or fifteen pages, but it was absolutely unanswerable. Since it was unanswerable, I tried to turn my back on it. And then I found that I couldn't.

What were your other referents? You began reading extensively materials on Freud that were increasingly critical of the way he had practiced as a physician and a psychoanalyst.

Well as it happens, the so called "revisionist" movement in Freud studies began right around 1969-1970 with works by Paul Roazen, Henri Ellenberger, Frank Cioffi. And this movement grew to be something really quite spectacular, in my opinion. For example, Frank Sulloway's major book of 1979, Freud: Biologist of the Mind, Adolf Grünbaum's The Foundations of Psychoanalysis (1984), and then of course the publication of the uncensored Freud - Fliess letters of 1985. The implications of these studies are still just beginning to be felt, but they are quite revolutionary, and that's why the last book that I did was an anthology of revisionist Freud studies, to try to give the general literate public a sampling of this absolutely stunning new knowledge of the difference, the gap, between Freud's claims and what he was actually experiencing and doing at the time that his claims cover.

And so it was more than that he was a bad scientist. In some ways, he was a charlatan.

He was a charlatan. In 1896 he published three papers on the ideology of hysteria claiming that he had cured X number of patients. First it was thirteen and then it was eighteen. And he had cured them all by presenting them, or rather by obliging them to remember, that they had been sexually abused as children. In 1897 he lost faith in this theory, but he'd told his colleagues that this was the way to cure hysteria. So he had a scientific obligation to tell people about his change of mind. But he didn't. He didn't even hint at it until 1905, and even then he wasn't clear. Meanwhile, where were the thirteen patients? Where were the eighteen patients? You read the Freud - Fleiss letters and you find that Freud's patients were leaving at the time. By 1897 he didn't have any patients worth mentioning, and he hadn't cured any of them, and he knew it perfectly well. Well, if a scientist did that today, of course he would be stripped of his job. He would be stripped of his research funds. He would be disgraced for life. But Freud was so brilliant at controlling his own legend that people can hear charges like this, and even admit that they're true, and yet not have their faith in the system of thought affected in any way.

So what is the way that he succeeded, then?

He succeeded in presenting himself to the public -- through a highly organized propaganda machine, by the way, which is what he turned the International Psychoanalytic Association into -- he succeeded in presenting himself as the personification of a certain kind of Nietzschean courage combined with scientific rigor, an ascetic responsibility that was attuned to the spirit of the times, namely anti-Victorianism. The Western world was ready to overthrow a very tired-looking, Christianizing moral order and to give more sway to the instinctual side of life, sex in particular. And Freud portrayed himself as a person who reluctantly but courageously faced the twin demons of sex and aggression and, like Prometheus or like some other Greek god who goes into the underworld, he came back to Earth with these pieces of dangerous knowledge and he tamed them and made them accessible to us so that we can now be cured of our neurotic ailments, thanks to him. He turned himself into a god, a kind of man-god, and people fell for it, and at a certain point I fell for it.

But there were particular ways and instruments by which he even moved beyond the power that came from being suitable for the times, so to speak. I mean, he established a small group that would put out disinformation about those who opposed his theories.

That's right. The group was called The Committee, and it consisted of his closest associates, people like [Sandor] Ferenczi and [Ernest] Jones, just a handful of people. They had a secret ring. They had a kind of blood oath. And their mission was to propagate Freud's ideas, but specifically whatever ideas Freud felt were proper at the time. So as Freud's views changed, their views changed. And what they did was to slander his enemies and to prevent them from having access to the relevant journals. Jung, I think, was the very first victim of this movement, because it was formed in response to the threat that Freud perceived from Jung's dissidence from him around 1912. The whole thing went on until about 1926 in complete secrecy, and its existence was not acknowledged until about 1940. But it was a propaganda apparatus, and a very, very successful one.

So that in many ways, and you point this out in Skeptical Engagements, there are similarities between Freud's movement and the Communist movement.

There certainly are similarities, and it goes pretty deep, because ultimately Freud and Marx are twin theorists of the unconscious. For Marx, we are unconscious of the interests that shape our consciousness. We think we have these ethical values, but what we really have are our class interests based on our position in the structure of manufacturing and ownership. For Freud, the unconscious is that which harbors our shameful, instinctual life. And so our conscious life is a compromise between these feelings that we can't acknowledge and all of the influence of the superego which tries to deny it. Well, if you take these two views of the unconscious, you'll find that both of them cast ordinary people in a very belittling light. Ordinary people are not aware of what's truly motivating them. They need to be told what's motivating them, which means they need to be ruled. And if you read Civilization and its Discontents, which is, I think, the most overrated book ever written, you will find Freud talking about America and its democracy and how what it really needs is a strong, central leader. The people seem to think that they know what they want, but of course they don't. They can't rule themselves; it's an unruly country. I find it fascinating that Freud's politics lean toward this authoritarianism that is ultimately implicit in the theory itself.

You speak of your notion of learning as involving "keen debate, not reverence for great books, historical consciousness and self-reflection, not supposedly timeless values, and continual expansion of our national canon." You're talking about American literature, but the very things you just described about Marx and Freud go against that, really. They're trying to stifle debate as they offer this narcotic about the forces that are gripping either the mind or the world.

Well, I think that's absolutely right, even though Freud and Marx both were cultivated people who enjoyed and appreciated the arts. So the primary influence of their authoritarianism wasn't exercised in the field of commentary about the arts.

Wednesday, August 10, 2011

Is Freud Really Dead?

Is Freud Really Dead?

Frederick Crews, in 1995, penned this response to his critics after he masterfully deconstructed Freud. And after you've read it, You'll be asking the same question.

Is this Manipulative, Greedy, Cocaine pushing FRAUD actually Dead?

THE has;


3 March 1995

Frederick Crews

When Frederick Crews attacked Freud in an article 14 months ago, he outraged many psychoanalysts. It was, he argues here, a fury from a profession aware of its accelerating collapse

In its issue of November 18, 1993, the New York Review of Books published an essay-review of mine, "The Unknown Freud", to which the adjective "controversial" hardly seems adequate. The article attracted, and continues to attract, more attention than all of my previous writings combined, dating back to my fledgling literary critical efforts in 1957. For several ensuing months, an unprecedented number of protesting letters to the editor poured in, mostly from psychoanalysts outraged by the indignities I had heaped on their honourable profession and its founder. Two rounds of published exchanges, the first of which alone consumed more ink than the New York Review had ever devoted to the aftermath of an article, left the overwhelming majority of complainants fuming on the sidelines.

As several correspondents remarked in injured tones, the main burden of "The Unknown Freud" could have been predicted from several earlier essays of mine. Since the appearance of "Analysis Terminable" in 1980, I had repeatedly made the same two-pronged argument: that Freud's scientific and ethical standards were abysmally low and that his brainchild was, and still is, a pseudoscience. But why, then, had this recent essay proved so upsetting?

A number of answers come to mind. For one thing, loyalists were shocked to find my judgements aired in the pages of the New York Review, where discussion of Freudian issues had more often than not been awarded to such sympathetic observers as Richard Wollheim, Carl Schorske, and William McGrath. My essay also contained some disturbing biographical information which, though known to Freud scholars, either was new to most analysts - for example, the story of Freud's greedy and fatal meddling in the life of his disciple Horace Frink - or had been discounted by them as atypical and insignificant, such as the infamous sequel to Emma Eckstein's nasal surgery, when Freud made so bold as to accuse that unfortunate of "bleeding for love" of himself.

Then, too, there was my report of what a number of scholars have independently discovered about the birth of psychoanalysis - namely, that Freud, amid the ruins of his untenable "seduction theory", peremptorily and gratuitously saddled his patients with a repressed desire for the incestuous acts that he had until then been unsuccessfully goading them to remember. (His later contention that they had told him about having been molested in early childhood was a characteristic reshaping of facts to comply with theory.) My readers were thus being invited to confront the unsettling fact that psychoanalysis arose from nothing more substantial than a confused effort on Freud's part to foist his explanatorily worthless hobbyhorse on to the fantasy life of his patients - patients who, moreover, far from being cured by his revised ministrations as he would eventually claim, had for the most part already lost faith in him and abandoned his practice. My essay left a plain impression that such opportunistic improvising, which was to become Freud's chronic way of handling theoretical crises, could not have been the work of a genuine scientific pioneer.

Beyond those provocations, however, a more general factor must have affected the uproar over "The Unknown Freud": the gradual but accelerating collapse of psychoanalysis as a respected institution. The "fear and rage" that one analyst (David S. Olds) noted among his colleagues when my essay appeared would not have spread so rapidly without a pre-existing sense that Freudianism could ill withstand another setback. Indeed, one sign of that desperation pervaded the very letters disputing the conclusions of my article. Whereas the original objectors to "Analysis Terminable" in 1980 had flatly denied my entire case against psychoanalysis, these recent statements mostly took the plaintive form of "yes, but. . ." . Although virtually all of my charges were conceded in one letter or another, each correspondent clung to some mitigating point that might justify the continuation of psychoanalytic business as usual. Yes, one analyst granted, Freudian grand theory is a mess, but some of its lower-level formulations still proved helpful when patients invested belief in them (Herbert S. Peyser). Yes, the idea of repression remains undemonstrated, but can we not acknowledge that it possesses "heuristic value in generating research and further theory-building" (Morris Eagle)? Yes, "Freud's tendentious arguments . . . were extremely harmful to some of his patients and to the field he tried so hard to establish," but "psychoanalytic scholars continue to study Freud's theories and case histories as part of the ongoing effort to . . . widen knowledge about a still largely 'unknown' psychological universe. . . ." (Marian Tolpin). Yes, Freud was a bit of a scoundrel, but at least "he did not sleep with his patients, nor found a lucrative ashram' (David S. Olds). And yes, American psychoanalysis is in decline, but the blame can be laid entirely on tight-fisted insurance companies that fail to appreciate the need for lengthy treatment (Lester Luborsky). To judge from such temporising, psychoanalysis appears destined to end not with a bang but with a querulous whine.

Meanwhile, many Freudians who were stung by my article answered it with a tactic that Freud himself had perfected in combat with such defectors as Fliess, Jung, Adler, Rank, and Ferenczi. Instead of addressing my criticisms, they blended ad hominem argumentation with question begging by treating me personally as a Freudian mental case. "I wonder," wrote one unpublished correspondent, "if Frederick Crews was aware when he wrote his vitriolic attack on Freud, that he laid himself bare to Freudian interpretations that would be numerous enough to fill as much space as his article." Another agreed: "We are all post-modern enough to understand the writing of his review as an act, an act about himself and not . . . about psychoanalysis itself."

These and other writers, though they usually deem years of daily clinical inquiry to be scarcely sufficient for grasping a patient's deep unconscious structures, did not scruple to diagnose my own fixations by return post. Crews, wrote one petitioner to the New York Review, cannot see "that he is trapped in a transference which began as an idealisation of (Freud), and which proceeded in normal fashion to hostile rejection. . . . (Thus) he is stuck on Freud-bashing." Peter Aspden said much the same thing in these very pages. The problem is oedipal, my old student Murray Schwartz explained to the American magazine of academic issues Lingua Franca: "He's after the sins of all the fathers." And the psychoanalyst and sociology professor Jeffrey Prager, writing in Contention, depicted me as a "jilted lover" with an irrational vendetta against my erstwhile soulmate, Freud. By persecuting Freud, Prager divined, I am attempting to repress my Freudian past - "to pretend that it never happened".

Other Freudians looked beyond my individual sickness to that of the age. Critiques like mine, said Eli Zaretsky in Tikkun, "are continuous with the attack on the left that began with the election of Richard Nixon in 1968. . . . They continue the repudiation of the revolutionary and utopian possibilities glimpsed in the 1960s. . .".

Whatever their specific hypotheses about my motives, virtually all Freudian commentators agreed that "The Unknown Freud" had been composed in a state of bitter anger by a malcontent with a vicious disposition. Indeed, this assumption was so common that Adam Begley, writing a profile of me in Lingua Franca some months later, considered it newsworthy to report that I am "quiet, unassuming, the kind of guy you just have to call mild-mannered", and that my academic associates consider me "a kind and gentle man".

Am I a Jekyll and Hyde character, or could it be that the taking of an uncompromising line towards Freud and Freudianism is actually consistent with human decency? Even Begley, to be sure, added that Crews "really hates Freud" - but he was wrong. Rather, I am completely lacking in respect for Freud, a very different matter. I don't hate Freud any more than, say, Karl Popper hated him, or than Ralph Nader hated General Motors, or than Stephen Jay Gould now hates the race-and-IQ theorists Herrnstein and Murray. In each case the sceptical writer feels prompted to denounce a combination of unsubstantiated claims, inflated reputation, and deleterious practical consequences. The act of denunciation can be cheerful and confident as well as public-spirited. That, I clearly recall, was my mood during the writing of "The Unknown Freud".

In theory at least, Freudians ought to have been well equipped to guard against mistaking their anger for my own. Their pertinent doctrine of projection, after all, lay ready at hand for acts of ironic self-scrutiny. In failing to make use of it, however, my adversaries were being loyal to the Freudian tradition in a more fundamental sense. Despite Freud's own self-analysis and the training analyses that came later, psychoanalysis has been tacitly employed as a psychology for the others, not for the interpreter him or herself. As Ernest Gellner has shown, Freudianism rests on an outlook of "conditional realism" whereby psychological truth is thought to be monopolised by, and fully available to, those who have removed their deeply programmed barriers to clarity. The analysed and the doctrinally faithful are thus exempt from their own otherwise remorseless hermeneutic of suspicion. Since the quintessential Freudian assertion is, in Gellner's words, "I am freer of inner veils than thou", recourse to ad hominem argument becomes all but irresistible. This is why the numerous slurs on my personality that circulated in the wake of "The Unknown Freud" were not deviations from but typical instances of the Freudian way with dissenters.

In rendering their diagnoses-at-a-distance, my critics appear to have been guided by a principle that struck them as too obviously warranted to bear articulating - namely, that "Freud bashing" is itself a sign of mental dysfunction. They simply knew, after all, that Freud, despite some occasional missteps and out-of-date assumptions, had made fundamental discoveries and permanently revolutionised our conception of the mind. As three of the unpublished New York Review correspondents put it, Freud proved once and for all that unconscious beliefs and emotions play a large role in our behaviour; that the human mind is at once capable of the clearest distinctions and the most devious twists; and that mental illness stems in large part from an imbalance within the human being between real and ideal, between our rational and irrational selves, and between what we want to do and what we have to do.

These and similar formulations were noteworthy for their high quotient of generality and vagueness, approaching, in freedom from determinate content, the perfect vacuum achieved by the historian and Freud apologist Peter Gay, who has characterised Freud's "central idea" as the proposition that "every human is continuously, inextricably, involved with others . . .". It is hard to dispute any of these statements about "humans", but it is also hard to see why they couldn't be credited as easily to Shakespeare, Dostoevsky, or Nietzsche - if not indeed to Jesus or St Paul - as to Freud. Was it really Freud who first disclosed such commonplaces? Or, rather, has the vast cultural sway of Freud's system caused us to lose focus on his more specific, highly idiosyncratic, assertions, to presume that a number of them must have been scientifically established by now, and to transform him retrospectively into the very personification of "human" complexity and depth?

Freud bashing begins to look less self-evidently pathological when we lower our sights to Freud's actual, far from modest, claims to discovery in four major categories of knowledge. First, the causes and cure of neurosis. We need not pause over Freud's pretensions in this realm, since scarcely anyone, including Freudian practitioners, can now be found who takes them seriously. The "oedipal repression etiology" of neurotic complaints is a dead letter, and psychoanalysis as a therapeutic institution has backed away from all of its original boasts about curative power.

Second, the meaning of symptoms, dreams, and errors. Freud's greatest novelty lay here, in his widening of intentionality to cover phenomena that had been thought to lack expressive content or, in the case of dreams, to be expressive only in random flashes. When we get down to the details, however - for example, Freud's attribution of "Dora's" asthmatic attacks to her once having witnessed an act of parental intercourse - we find that the symptomatic interpretations rest on nothing more substantial than vulgar thematic affinities (heavy breathing in coitus = asthma) residing in Freud's own prurient mind. So, too, the heart of his dream theory, the contention that every dream expresses a repressed infantile wish, was merely an extrapolation from his aetiology of neurosis; it is counterintuitive and has never received an iota of corroboration. As for the theory of errors, Sebastiano Timpanaro among others has shown that it suffers from Freud's usual overingeniousness and wanton insistence on universal psychic determinism and that it is unsupported, in its emphasis on repressed causes of slips, by any of the examples provided in The Psychopathology of Everyday Life. Having serially applied the same style of license to the decoding of symptoms, dreams, and errors, Freud was able to delude himself into imagining that the resultant "convergence of findings" had proved him correct in all three areas. All it really proved was that the imperiousness of Freudian interpretation knew no bounds.

Third, methodological principles for investigating the mind. Chief among these, in Freud's view, was free association, the correct handling of which can supposedly allow us not merely to discover the meaning of a dream but also to trace a symptom to its traumatic source in childhood. As Ludwig Wittgenstein suspected and as Adolf Grunbaum and Malcolm Macmillan have shown in laborious detail, the claim is hollow. A patient's ramblings, which Freud took to be a direct window on the invariant repressed unconscious, are channelled and contaminated by the psychoanalytic exchange itself, and instead of establishing the causes of earlier events, they merely show what is on the patient's mind at the moment of their utterance. Of greater intuitive appeal are the numerous "mechanisms of defence" that Freud invoked for retracing the psychic compromises behind a given expression or symptom. (I have already mentioned one of them, projection.) Here, too, however, the prospect of reliable hermeneutic power turns to dust. In the absence of any guidelines for knowing which "mechanism" (if any) shaped a given phenomenon, the application of these tools by different interpreters yields a cacophony of incompatible explanations - and, ultimately, an indefinite proliferation of squabbling sects.

Finally, the structure and dynamic operation of the mind. Even when he sounded most tentative in this realm, Freud's speculations about conscious, preconscious, and unconscious mental systems, or about the ego, the superego, and the id, or about instincts of self-preservation and sex, or of life and death, went far beyond any data that he could legitimately claim to have unearthed. On close inspection, the Freudian "dynamic unconscious" turns out to be not only a tissue of contradictions between primitive and sophisticated functions but also an ontological maze peopled by absurd homunculi possessing their own inexplicable sets of warring motives. Freud was occasionally willing to admit the mythic status of his "metapsychological" constructs - which, however, he nevertheless persisted in endowing with quasi-physical energies and seemingly precise functions that his followers have further elaborated. The result has been a legacy of utter conceptual murk.

Where, then, are Freud's authenticated contributions not to ethics or mores or hermeneutics but to actual knowledge of the mind? So far as I am aware, no uniquely psychoanalytic notion has received independent experimental or epidemiological support - not repression, not the Oedipus or castration complex, not the theory of compromise formation, nor any other concept or hypothesis. Nor is this negative result anomalous in view of the reckless, conquistadorial manner in which psychoanalytic theory was launched and maintained in the teeth of rational criticism. What passes today for Freud bashing is simply the long-postponed holding of Freudian ideas to the same standards of noncontradiction, clarity, testability, cogency, and parsimonious explanatory power that prevail in empirical discourse at large. Step by step, we are learning that Freud has been the most overrated figure in the entire history of science and medicine - one who wrought immense harm through the propagation of false aetiologies, mistaken diagnoses, and fruitless lines of inquiry. Still, the legend dies hard, and those who challenge it continue to be greeted like rabid skunks.

A year after "The Unknown Freud" appeared, I published another long article in the New York Review, this one attacking the pernicious "recovered memory movement" and detailing its rather obvious origins in some of the deepest premises of Freudianism. The first of many lamentations - seven grandiloquent pages, signed by a psychoanalyst - arrived on the very day that the first half of my two-instalment essay hit the newsstands. Having been "made physically ill" by my earlier effort, the writer thought it best to quit this time "after reading less than a full page". Thus restored to equanimity, he set about the task of refutation.

Frederick Crews is emeritus professor of English at the University of California, Berkeley.