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Martin Plöderl, PhD & Michael P. Hengartner, PhD
Suicide rates decreased steadily from the mid-eighties until the new
millennium in the USA and, on average, in Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries.1 In Europe, suicide rates decreased until around 2007 in most countries.2
Parallel to this drop of suicides, prescriptions of SSRI’s, the new
generations of “antidepressants,” gradually increased. This led to
numerous publications arguing that the negative correlations between
antidepressant prescription rates and suicide rates was evidence that
antidepressants are likely helpful in reducing suicide because they can
alleviate symptoms of depression, one of the major risk factor for
suicide.
Authors of these papers often had financial or other ties to the
pharmaceutical industry (e.g., Ulrich Hegerl, Göran Isacsson, John Mann,
Zoltan Rihmer).
In 2004, a kind of shock wave hit mainstream psychiatry when the FDA
released the black box warning about prescribing antidepressants to
children and youth. Not long after, Robert Gibbons and others published a
now widely cited paper, based on data from 2003 to 2005, reporting that
the black-box warning led to a reduction in the prescribing of
antidepressants which was associated with an increase of suicides among
young people.3 However, although the article was published in the high-ranked, peer-reviewed American Journal of Psychiatry,
the statistical analysis and the related conclusions by Gibbons were
quickly shown to be in error; there simply was no increase of suicides
associated with the decrease of antidepressant prescriptions (see
Jureidini, 20074 and Stone, 20145; see also Robert Whitaker’s report).
From 2000 onwards, suicide rates in the USA started to rise again
(among youth around 2007). In most countries in Europe, suicide rates
stopped declining or even increased again starting around 2007. However,
antidepressant prescription rates steadily increased from the
mid-eighties until today. As a result, the association between increased
antidepressant rates and reduced suicide rates has faded with each
passing year. Even worse for mainstream psychiatry, if you look at the
past 10 years, antidepressant rates are associated with increased
suicide rates.
Yet, as this has occurred, there has been, in our opinion, a strange
silence. There has been a lack of research updates on the trend of
increases in suicide rates as prescriptions of antidepressants have
risen. And what about research reports on the long-term outcomes of the
FDA black box warnings? Two papers pointed out that suicide rates did
not increase as a result of the black box warnings in the United States
and in Canada (Rhodes, Skinner, McFaull, & Katz, 20136
and Stone, 2014), but these papers were also “silenced” in psychiatry,
since they were much less cited (9 and 36 times, respectively) than the
Gibbons et al. paper that was cited 569 times (citation-frequency
assessed via Google Scholar on August 12, 2018).
Other attempts to show that the FDA warnings led to increased suicides (Lu et al., 2014,7 cited 115 times) have also been debunked (see comments to the Lu article and Philip Hickey’s blog “Suicidal Behavior After FDA Warnings” here on MIA).
This silence about increasing suicide and antidepressant rates, and
the silencing of studies that disproved harmful effects of the FDA
warnings, was interrupted by at least two noteworthy incidents that
demonstrate some deep-seated form of “evidence-resistance.” First,
Robert Gibbons simply kept on claiming that the black box warning led to an increase of suicides (LA Times,
Feb. 06/2012). Second, a research group around Zoltan Rihmer published a
paper in 2015 about suicide trends and antidepressant prescription
rates in Hungary, but only used data up until 2006, excluding the time
span afterwards when suicide rates increased again (Otuyelu et al., 20158).
This way, they of course could prove that increased antidepressant
prescriptions came along with reduced suicide rates. No word about the
restricted time frame or the increase of suicides in recent years in the
limitation section of the paper. They even claimed that their results
were an indirect proof of the harms of the FDA warnings (of course
citing the debunked 2007 Gibbons et al. paper). They said that, since
there was no related warning in Hungary, antidepressant prescriptions
kept on rising in young people whereas suicides kept on falling. Otuyelu
also cited another paper that “proved” the harms of the black box
warning (Katz et al., 20089), despite opposing evidence available at that time (Rhodes et al., 2013).
All of this is the background to our recent research on this topic.
Recently, when we became aware of a newly published paper in the Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry
that analyzed trends of suicidality and mental health utilization of
young people in the US, we wondered why the authors did not also include
the results for prescriptions rates, despite that data being available.10
However, since the data was in the public domain, we were able to
investigate the association of the suicide attempt rate with drug
prescriptions for mood disorders (most likely antidepressants) among
adolescents for the years 2004 to 2016.
Our analysis was rejected for publication by the Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry and by JAMA Psychiatry. We were finally able to publish the paper in Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences (Plöderl & Hengartner, 201811).
Unfortunately, variables for years prior to 2004 could not be
compared to later years, but with the available data we could still
explore changes in the rate of prescriptions and suicide attempt rates
following the FDA warning. The data is based on the annual National
Survey on Drug Use and Health, a nationally representative survey among
the US population. Past year major depression was assessed with a
structured interview, and participants were asked if they had taken
prescribed medication for their mood problems in the past year. We used
this as a proxy for use of antidepressant medication. Prior suicide
attempts were also assessed. This suicide attempt variable seemed to be a
valid indicator of past year suicide risk, since it correlated high
with the yearly suicide rates of the same age group (r = 0.75, p <
.05).
Our analysis revealed that the rates of prescriptions, suicide attempts, and suicides decreased
in the years following the FDA warning in 2004 but started to rise
again in recent years. This is also confirmed by large and statistically
significant correlation coefficients. Obviously, this contrasts with
the assumption that the FDA warning led to an increase of suicidal
behavior. On the contrary, it seems that reduced prescriptions lead to a
reduction in suicidal behavior. It also indicates that the FDA
warning had no enduring effect, since prescriptions to youth are on the
rise again.
The usual interpretation by mainstream psychiatry is that our
findings are an artefact: young people attempting suicide are more
likely to receive mental health treatment, and this produces the found
association. This explanation, however, does not fit with the fact that
our findings apply both to adolescents with and without a major
depression diagnosis. Persons without major depression are rarely
suicidal; therefore, in these youths, the strong correlation between
suicide attempts and antidepressant prescriptions is hardly explained by
diagnosis alone. Also, antidepressant prescription rates increased before the suicide attempt rates did, as indicated via a statistical technique called changepoint-analysis.
Given the limitations of our study, it is important to look for
replications. Indeed, our findings are similar to that of a study by
Gupta, Gersing, Erkanli, & Burt (2016).12
By using patient data from psychiatric settings, Gupta et al. found
that antidepressant prescriptions decreased from 79 to 60% from the
period before the black box warning (2000-2003) relative to the period
afterwards (2004-2009). The relative risk for suicidality decreased
substantially by around 60-70% as well.
Of note, the relative risk for homicidality and other violent events
was also reduced around 60-70%. These findings are exactly what would be
predicted by the outcomes of randomized controlled clinical trials. In
these trials, young people using antidepressants had higher rates of
both suicidality and aggression, compared to those taking placebo.
With our study results, as with all such correlational data, it must
be mentioned that causality cannot be inferred, and there are other
strong arguments regarding why such data must be interpreted with
caution. However, as stated above, our findings are in line with those
from randomized controlled trials, where young people taking
antidepressants indeed had higher rates of suicide attempts and other
forms of suicidality (Healy, Le Noury, & Jureidini, 2018;13 Sharma et al., 2016;14 Stone et al., 200915). Put together, these data strongly suggest that antidepressants can cause suicides and aggressive behavior.
Disturbingly, our study and others reveal that the black box warning
is now ignored in many countries, since antidepressant prescription
rates for children and youth are on the rise again (Bachmann et al.,
2016;16
Otuyelu et al., 2015). This increase is happening despite increasing
certainty that antidepressants are rather ineffective and most likely
cause suicidal behavior in young people.
It seems that the current strategy in mainstream psychiatry to deal
with the problematic evidence base is to recommend fluoxetine, because
it was reported as being the most effective drug with no increase of
suicidality (Brent, Gibbons, Wilkinson, & Dubicka, 2018;17 Cipriani et al., 201618).
Again, problems with these studies and the excess of suicidal events
under fluoxetine in the trials continue to be ignored. As with other
reports critical of antidepressant prescriptions, these inconvenient
findings are not properly acknowledged. As a result, mainstream
psychiatry will continue to claim that antidepressants effectively
reduce suicide risk, despite compelling evidence to the contrary.
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